“Humanity is enslaved by organized criminal groups calling themselves states,”
– Pavel Durov
Pavel Durov's first major project, the Vkontakte social network, was created jointly with Vyacheslav Mirilashvili and Lev Leviev in the fall of 2006. Initially, the site was closed, registration was available only by invitation and with the indication of real names and surnames, but after a few weeks the site became fully open. During the year, the popularity of VKontakte grew rapidly, in November 2007 the number of users exceeded 3 million people. 
The site and the app were constantly evolving, new widgets and functions were drawing more new users to them. By the end of 2009, 100 million users were registered at the network, the monthly audience being 90 million of active users. The social network has a wide range of functions that allows you to distribute a wide variety of content. Users can share information in private messages, through posts on their personal pages, or through communities with different levels of privacy.
The Myth of Sinlessness
Initially, censorship on the social network was exclusively internal – upon the users’ request the moderators would block the publications containing shocking and inappropriate content, as well as suspicious accounts. In the early years of VKontakte's existence, unlike other social media, there was no explicit advertising on the site, which is why many users suspected Durov and the creators of having ties with the FSB. In 2007, Pavel denied these rumours in a post on his account:

"Any personal information and correspondence that is stored online is protected by the law on the secrecy of personal correspondence. If the owners of VKontakte or any other resource of this kind transfer users' personal information to commercial or government organisations, they will violate not only moral principles, but also the law. The only condition under which personal information can be disclosed is the presentation by law enforcement agencies of a court order according to which the transfer of such information is necessary for the investigation. We received similar court orders a couple of times and really helped the investigation (in one case, a girl disappeared, in another it was about murder). And I think it was absolutely right and legal."
At that time, VKontakte was perceived as a social network where you can freely share your opinion and create communities with opposing views. Durov himself actively promoted his opinion that social networks should be platforms for free discussion and expression of his opinion. He openly stated his refusal to cooperate with the FSB and the Interior Ministry, rejecting their demands for the removal of Navalny's groups and other opposition communities. However, according to research and posts on forums of employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and other services, VKontakte was quite willing to give out personal information of its users, and this did not always happen only after sending an official request. In 2014 (before Pavel Durov officially left VKontakte) on the website police-russia.com there was a discussion in which users shared the phone number of Nikolai Chernenko, who at that time was the head of the security service of the social network. According to them, the issue could have been resolved personally with him, bypassing the requirement to send an official request. Police officers were given personal data of users: phone numbers and IP addresses.

A year before that, in 2013, Novaya Gazeta published material in 2013 claiming that the VK leadership was cooperating with the authorities on a wide range of issues — from providing information about users to authorities to manipulating protest groups. Later, the VKontakte press service denied this.
Durov's Departure
In March 2012, Pavel Durov began participating in negotiations during which Mirilashvili and Leviev discussed the sale of their shares to the main investor of Mail.ru Group Alisher Usmanov. Durov deleted the co-investors' pages, stopped contacting them and announced the postponement of the IPO. In May, Usmanov gave Durov the right to dispose of votes for Mail.ru Group, which gave him control of the company. In April 2013, the United Capital Partners Investment Fund (UCP) bought out the shares of Mirilashvili (40%) and Leviev (8%), becoming the largest shareholder. Pavel Durov promised to challenge the deal, but did not file a lawsuit.

In August 2013, a shareholder conflict arose between UCP and Durov. The fund pointed to the conflict of interests of the creator of the social network and the development of the Telegram messenger by him, accusing the management of withdrawing funds and using the company's money for personal needs. In February 2014, at the request of the UCP, an audit of VKontakte's economic activities was conducted. On April 1, Durov resigned as CEO. In September 2014, UCP sold its stake in Mail.Ru Group for $1.47 billion, gaining full control of the company. 
In August 2013, a shareholder conflict arose between UCP and Durov. The fund pointed to the conflict of interests of the creator of the social network and the development of the Telegram messenger by him, accusing the management of withdrawing funds and using the company's money for personal needs. In February 2014, at the request of the UCP, an audit of VKontakte's economic activities was conducted. On April 1, Durov resigned as CEO. In September 2014, UCP sold its stake in Mail.Ru Group for $1.47 billion, gaining full control of the company.

Pavel Durov explained his resignation from the post of the chief executive by the fact that the FSB put pressure on him and his social network: "On December 13, 2013, the FSB demanded that we give out the personal data of the organisers of the Euromaidan groups. Our response was and remains a categorical refusal - the jurisdiction of Russia does not apply to Ukrainian VKontakte users. Giving out the personal data of Ukrainians to the Russian authorities would not only be a violation of the law, but also a betrayal of all those millions of Ukrainians who trusted us."
After that, VKontakte began to interact more closely and openly with government agencies: protest groups began to be blocked, and the number of lawsuits sent to the courts based on user posts and comments increased. The first high-profile case that caused a great resonance in society was the arrest of Maria Matuzna after the memes she posted were said to have offended someone’s religious feelings. 

After the Yarovaya Law was passed in 2016, and VKontakte was included in the list of information distributors, the social network undertook to provide information about users at the request of law enforcement agencies.
October 12, 2021 Mail.ru group announced rebranding for the platform and a new name — VK. On December 3, Boris Dobrodeev announced his resignation from the post of CEO, a position he has held since 2016. Vladimir Kiriyenko, the son of the Deputy head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, became the new CEO. On the Internet, this appointment was perceived as a complete transfer of VK into the hands of the state.

After the start of the special military operation in Ukraine in 2022, censorship by the VK administration increased even more, and active blocking of opposition media communities began.
At the end of the same year, by order of the government, official groups appeared in all state bodies. 

Now VK is perceived as an official state social network. The fact that it is controlled by the state, if not directly, then indirectly, seems obvious, therefore it is not possible to conduct opposition activities there. At the beginning of 2016, German Klimenko, adviser to the President of Russia on Internet development, said that Russia should use the experience of China in relation to the Internet, but so far the influence of the state here remains only on the scale of controlling the main social network and blocking individual sites and services.
As a part of the criminal case, VKontakte provided information about the Motuznaya page, which was deleted in December 2017. Among the data were:

 personal page address;
 date the page was created;
 phone number and email address;
 The IP addresses from which you logged in to the page;
 date and time of entry to the page;
 history of changes to the password, username, and linked phone number;
 the history of calls to the VKontakte support service;
 history of spam blockages.
Alisher Usmanov and President Putin
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